K&L Gates

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VERIFIEDPRIMARY SOURCES
VERIFIED 2026-03-27
4 primary6 investigative9 secondary

lobbying k-street maritime financial-services energy transportation tech steel defense

related: Fossil Fuel Bloc · _Lobbying Firms Framework

Who They Are

K&L Gates is a global BigLaw firm with one of the largest integrated public policy practices of any international law firm. Formed in 2007 by the merger of Pittsburgh-based Kirkpatrick & Lockhart (founded 1946) and Seattle-based Preston Gates & Ellis (founded 1883), the firm operates 45 offices across five continents with approximately 1,800 attorneys and a dedicated Washington, D.C. lobbying operation that has been active since the 1960s.

In 2024, K&L Gates billed $17,205,000 in lobbying income representing 124 clients — making it a mid-to-upper tier K Street shop by revenue but one with highly distinctive sectoral concentration. The firm’s 44 registered lobbyists include 28 with revolving door government backgrounds (63.6%), and the practice fields 2 former members of Congress as active lobbyists. By 2025 the practice had grown to $20,825,000 across 157 clients.

The firm’s defining market position is not finance, pharma, or defense — the typical Big Lobbying categories — but maritime and shipping. K&L Gates is the pre-eminent Jones Act lobbying shop in Washington, representing the American Maritime Partnership ($1,140,000 in 2024), Lake Carriers’ Association ($790,000), the Consortium of State Maritime Academies ($240,000), the Transportation Institute ($240,000), the American Association of Port Authorities ($90,000), and multiple regional maritime interests. This maritime revenue concentration — over $2.5 million of the firm’s $17.2 million total — represents a structural specialization that no other major lobbying firm matches at equivalent scale.

Money

K&L Gates billed the American Maritime Partnership $1,140,000 in 2024 — the single largest client relationship at the firm. AMP’s entire lobbying mission is protecting the Jones Act (Merchant Marine Act of 1920), which requires goods transported between US ports to travel on US-built, US-crewed ships. The Jones Act sustains a domestic maritime industry that by AMP’s own figures accounts for $41 billion in job income and a $154 billion GDP contribution. Keeping this law intact requires sustained K Street pressure every time a reform effort, waiver request, or executive action threatens it. K&L Gates is the firm AMP pays to run that pressure campaign year-round.

Client List

Organized by sector based on 2024 OpenSecrets lobbying disclosure data:

Maritime / Shipping

  • American Maritime Partnership — $1,140,000 (Jones Act advocacy coalition; primary lobbying vehicle for the US maritime shipping industry)
  • Lake Carriers’ Association — $790,000 (Great Lakes freight shipping; US-flag vessel operators on the Great Lakes)
  • Consortium of State Maritime Academies — $240,000 (federal appropriations for maritime academies; US Merchant Marine Act compliance)
  • Transportation Institute — $240,000 (maritime industry research and advocacy; Jones Act policy)
  • American Association of Port Authorities — $90,000 (seaport trade group, port funding and federal regulatory issues)
  • American Shipping & Logistics Group — $300,000 (lobbied for American Roll-On Roll-Off Carrier; military sealift and defense shipping)
  • St Lawrence Seaway Pilots Association — disclosed (Great Lakes-St. Lawrence Seaway pilotage)
  • Lakes Pilots Association — disclosed (Great Lakes pilotage regulation)

Financial Services / Investment Management

  • Church Alliance — $450,000 (pension and benefits advocacy for religious and non-profit sector; IRC/ERISA/DOL policy)
  • California Public Employees’ Retirement System (CalPERS) — $400,000 (largest public pension fund in US; securities, investment policy, ESG regulation)
  • Vanguard Group — $320,000 (lobbied for Vanguard Charitable Endowment Program; SEC and investment regulation)
  • Index Industry Association — $160,000 (financial index industry; SEC, CFTC, and international financial regulation)
  • Beyond Finance — $240,000 (debt relief/settlement financial services; CFPB and consumer finance regulation)
  • Receivables Management Association International — $240,000 (collections industry; CFPB, FTC, state/federal debt regulation)

Energy / Utilities

  • Opal Fuels — $390,000 (renewable natural gas; EPA, DOE, IRS tax policy on RNG credits)
  • CTC Global — $310,000 (high-capacity conductors for transmission grid; DOE grid modernization)
  • Brookfield Asset Management — $290,000 (lobbied for Westinghouse Electric; nuclear energy regulation, DOE)
  • CMS Energy — $200,000 (Michigan electric utility; FERC, clean energy transition)
  • Cleco Corp — $120,000 (Louisiana electric utility; FERC, EPA)
  • Portland General Electric — $160,000 (Oregon utility; FERC, clean energy policy)
  • American Superconductor — $120,000 (grid technology; DOE, defense)
  • Glenfarne Group — $170,000 (lobbied for Glenfarne Energy Transition; LNG, renewable energy)
  • Commonwealth Fusion Systems — $80,000 (fusion energy; DOE)
  • Coalition for Energy Efficient Jobs & Investment — $160,000 (energy efficiency in real estate)

Steel / Advanced Manufacturing

  • US Steel — $360,000 (steel trade policy, tariffs, DoD procurement; Section 232 steel tariffs)
  • AGC Inc — $440,000 (lobbied for AGC America; flat glass manufacturer; trade policy, USTR, Section 301 tariffs)
  • PPG Industries — $70,000 (coatings and specialty materials; EPA, trade)

Mail / Logistics / Technology

  • Pitney Bowes Inc — $610,000 (mailing/shipping technology and logistics; USPS postal reform, shipping regulations)
  • Package Coalition — $480,000 (air cargo shipping trade group; FAA, USPS, postal rates)
  • Hyundai Motor Co — $300,000 (automotive; NHTSA, EPA, trade, EV incentives)
  • Consumer Technology Association — $180,000 (tech industry trade group; FTC, FCC, trade)
  • ByteDance Inc — $160,000 (TikTok parent company; First Amendment, national security, divestiture legislation)
  • Stack AV — $200,000 (autonomous trucking; DOT, NHTSA, autonomous vehicle regulation)

Education / Institutions / Government

  • California State University — $70,000 (federal higher education funding, HEA reauthorization)
  • Duquesne University — $120,000 (federal research funding, Pittsburgh-area institutional)
  • Coursera Inc — $200,000 (online education; DoE, federal financial aid for non-traditional students)
  • Allegheny County, PA — $120,000 (airport authority; FAA, federal infrastructure)
  • Commonwealth of Pennsylvania — $150,000 (Pennsylvania Higher Education Assistance Agency; student loan servicing)

Healthcare / Treatment

  • American Hospital Association — $200,000 (lobbied for Virginia Hospital & Healthcare Assn; Medicare/Medicaid)
  • Pinnacle Treatment Centers — $160,000 (addiction treatment; SAMHSA, Medicaid, opioid treatment funding)

The Revolving Door

K&L Gates built its Public Policy and Law practice over 60 years on what the firm describes as “more than 500 years of combined government experience” among its lobbying team. That experience has a specific provenance: former congressional staffers at peak-access positions, former members of Congress, former executive branch officials, and former industry government relations directors who arrive carrying existing relationships with the exact offices that regulate K&L Gates’ clients.

Daniel F.C. Crowley — Long-tenured partner and head of the firm’s global Financial Services Policy practice. Before K&L Gates, Crowley spent a decade in the private sector leading government relations at three consecutive financial industry self-regulatory organizations: the National Association of Securities Dealers (NASD), The Nasdaq Stock Market, and the Investment Company Institute (ICI). Before that, he served for eight years in the US House of Representatives in increasingly senior positions including General Counsel to the Office of the Speaker. That combination — congressional leadership counsel turned financial industry trade group government relations director turned K Street lobbyist — maps directly onto the firm’s financial services client roster: CalPERS, Vanguard, Church Alliance, and Index Industry Association all require relationships with SEC, CFTC, Senate Banking, and House Financial Services.

Mike Doyle (Former Member of Congress — D-PA) — Retired after 14 terms representing Pittsburgh’s 18th District (1995–2023). On the House Energy and Commerce Committee throughout his career; chaired the Subcommittee on Communications and Technology during the 117th Congress, overseeing broadband, telecom, and internet regulation. Joined K&L Gates in December 2022 — the month he retired. Lobbies for Pittsburgh-area institutions (Duquesne University, Greater Pittsburgh Chamber, Allegheny County Airport Authority), clean energy clients (Westinghouse Electric, Rondo Energy, Stack AV), and healthcare/treatment clients (Pinnacle Treatment Centers). His Energy and Commerce relationships are deployed for tech and telecom clients including ByteDance.

Jeff Denham (Former Member of Congress — R-CA) — Served four terms representing California’s 10th District (2011–2019). Chaired the Transportation and Infrastructure Committee’s Subcommittee on Railroads, Pipelines, and Hazardous Materials; served on the Agriculture and Veterans’ Affairs committees. Joined K&L Gates in 2019, left in 2023 for Dentons. During his K&L Gates tenure, worked on TikTok/ByteDance content moderation policy alongside Bart Gordon. His Transportation subcommittee chairmanship served the firm’s maritime and rail clients.

Bart Gordon (Former Member of Congress — D-TN) — Served 12 terms representing Tennessee’s 6th District (1985–2011). Chair of the House Science, Space, and Technology Committee (2007–2011). Long-tenured K&L Gates partner. Lobbied for Blue Origin (NASA reauthorization, Commercial Space Launch Act), ByteDance/TikTok (content moderation policy), and aerospace and technology clients. His Science Committee chairmanship covers exactly the aerospace and emerging technology clients he manages.

Mike Evans — Former chief majority counsel and deputy staff director for the US Senate Finance Committee. Joined K&L Gates in 2022–2023. Senate Finance jurisdiction covers tax, trade, health care, and Social Security — the precise areas where K&L Gates represents Church Alliance, CalPERS, Receivables Management Association, and other finance/benefits clients.

Matt Leggett (Partner) — Former minority chief counsel with the Senate Energy and Natural Resources Committee. Joined K&L Gates in 2022–2023. ENR Committee jurisdiction covers public lands, energy production, nuclear power, and water resources — directly serving K&L Gates’ energy portfolio: Opal Fuels, CTC Global, Westinghouse/Brookfield, Commonwealth Fusion Systems.

Jamie Jackson (Partner) — Former senior counsel to House Majority Leader Steny Hoyer (D-MD); former security clearance counsel for the Biden-Harris White House Office of Presidential Personnel; former deputy general counsel to Chairman Adam Smith on the House Armed Services Committee. Joined K&L Gates in May 2023. Her Armed Services background serves maritime defense and logistics clients (American Shipping & Logistics Group, American Maritime Partnership). Her Biden White House access provides continued executive branch relationships.

Finch Fulton — Former Deputy Assistant Secretary for Transportation Policy at the US Department of Transportation (2017–2021). Co-led the development of USDOT’s infrastructure proposal that became the foundation for the Bipartisan Infrastructure Law. Developed the Department’s automated vehicle, drone, and advanced technology policies. Joined K&L Gates in May 2023. His client portfolio maps exactly: Stack AV (autonomous trucking), ByteDance (regulatory), Package Coalition (shipping infrastructure), and maritime clients who benefit from BIL-funded port infrastructure spending.

Joseph Trahern — Former executive director and senior director for federal government affairs at Comcast (lead Senate Democratic lobbyist on telecom, media, antitrust, and the Comcast-NBCUniversal merger); former director of legislative and regulatory affairs at General Motors; former chief of staff to Representatives Doris Matsui (D-CA) and the late Robert Matsui (D-CA); former Senate staff for Majority Leader Tom Daschle (D-SD) and Senators Richard Durbin (D-IL) and Byron Dorgan (D-ND); former Special Assistant to the President for Political Affairs under Bill Clinton. Joined K&L Gates in January 2024. His Daschle/Durbin/Dorgan Democratic leadership relationships are deployed for financial services and corporate clients who need Democratic floor access; his Comcast experience serves ByteDance and Consumer Technology Association.

Leonard Bickwit — Former General Counsel of the US Nuclear Regulatory Commission (during the Three Mile Island accident, 1979–1983); former senior Senate staff for Democratic Senators John Glenn (D-OH) and Philip Hart (D-MI). Joined K&L Gates in May 2023 from Miller & Chevalier. Practice focuses on tax policy, energy, appropriations, and financial services. His NRC general counsel role during Three Mile Island directly serves K&L Gates’ nuclear energy clients (Westinghouse Electric/Brookfield, Commonwealth Fusion Systems).

Money

The Trahern hire crystallizes K&L Gates’ telecom and media strategy. Trahern spent years at Comcast as the company’s lead Democratic Senate lobbyist — building relationships with the exact members now on committees that oversee ByteDance’s continued US operations (Senate Commerce, Senate Judiciary). K&L Gates then hired him the same year ByteDance escalated its Washington lobbying effort in response to TikTok divestiture legislation. The revolving door here did not require planning — it required only that K&L Gates pay market rate for access already purchased by Comcast at government expense.

Lobbying-to-Policy Timeline

DateRecipient/TargetAmountPolicy ReturnTime Gap
2019House Transportation/Railroads SubcommitteeHire cost (Denham)Jones Act and rail client relationships established; Denham chairs the exact subcommittee overseeing K&L Gates’ maritime clients; Lake Carriers lobbying beginsImmediate
2021USDOT / CongressFulton hire costBipartisan Infrastructure Law passed ($1.2T); Fulton co-authored USDOT’s infrastructure proposal as DOT deputy — K&L Gates maritime and transportation clients receive port, rail, and infrastructure funding2 years
2022–23Senate Finance / Senate ENREvans + Leggett hire costChurch Alliance ($450K) pension regulation secured; ENR energy clients (Opal Fuels, Westinghouse) navigate IRA implementation; Evans Finance relationships serve tax and benefits clients6–12 months
2023Congress / CFIUS / National Security$160K (ByteDance)ByteDance retains Doyle, Denham, Gordon, Trahern team to fight TikTok divestiture legislation; PAFACA signed but implementation contested; K&L Gates bipartisan team slows legislative momentum6–18 months
2023House Armed Services / White HouseJackson hire costAmerican Shipping & Logistics Group (military sealift) lobbying begins; national security framing of Jones Act strengthened for Trump-era political environmentOngoing
2024Congress / MARAD / USDOT$2.5M+ (maritime coalition)Jones Act maintained intact through another full legislative cycle; SHIPS for America Act introduced with bipartisan support championed by AMP; K&L Gates maritime coalition holds the lineAnnual cycle
2024CFPB / Senate Banking$240K (Beyond Finance) + $240K (RMAI)CFPB debt collection rulemaking contested; late-stage Biden CFPB rules challenged in court and administratively; collections industry regulatory position preserved12–18 months
Dec 2024Senate / House (SHIPS for America Act)$1.14M+ (AMP)AMP-championed maritime expansion bill introduced by bipartisan senators (Kelly D-AZ, Young R-IN) and representatives (T. Kelly R-MS, Garamendi D-CA); builds on Jones Act to fund US shipbuilding renaissance2+ years AMP lobbying
Dec 2025DOJ/CFIUS (ByteDance divestiture)$160K+ (2024)TikTok US operations sold to Oracle/Silver Lake/MGX consortium ($TikTok USDS Joint Venture LLC) — lobbying bought time for negotiated exit vs. outright ban3 years lobbying
Mar 18 2026Trump White House (Jones Act waiver)$1.14M+ (AMP)60-day Jones Act waiver issued (March 18, 2026) for oil, natural gas, LNG, fertilizer, coal to mitigate Iran war supply disruptions and lower fuel prices; AMP immediately responded “deeply concerned” that waiver would “unnecessarily displace American workers”; stated maximum gas price impact would be less than 1 cent per gallon; K&L Gates’ live defense focused on containing waiver duration and preventing permanent reform precedentActive/Ongoing
Oct 27 2025White House / Commerce Dept / Congress$290K+ (Brookfield/Westinghouse)Major nuclear victory: Trump administration announced $80B strategic partnership with Westinghouse, Cameco, Brookfield to deploy fleet of AP1000 reactors (October 27, 2025); K&L Gates’ nuclear team lobbied for regulatory pathway and Congressional appropriations support; represents largest domestic nuclear investment in decades12+ months

Money

The maritime coalition billing — $2.5M+ per year from American Maritime Partnership, Lake Carriers, Consortium of State Maritime Academies, Transportation Institute, and related clients — represents K&L Gates’ most concentrated single-sector revenue stream. The Jones Act has survived reform attempts for 104 years. That longevity is not accidental: it reflects sustained, professional lobbying that reframes protectionist shipping regulation as national security policy whenever political conditions shift. K&L Gates’ maritime team has mastered this reframing. When Trump’s “America First” trade agenda created an opening, AMP published op-eds arguing the Jones Act is “a line of defense against China’s maritime dominance.” K&L Gates delivers the political intelligence that keeps the reframing current.

The Bipartisan Model

K&L Gates’ Public Policy and Law practice was built explicitly around bipartisan access and markets it as a structural feature rather than an incidental quality. The firm has maintained continuous lobbying operations through administrations as far apart ideologically as Jimmy Carter and Donald Trump — 60+ years of uninterrupted K Street presence.

The bipartisan coverage is staffed, not rhetorical. On the Republican side: Jeff Denham (R-CA, Transportation Committee), Daniel Crowley (House Republican Speaker’s counsel, Bush administration appointee), Finch Fulton (Trump DOT 2017–2021), and multiple additional Republican-aligned staffers. On the Democratic side: Mike Doyle (D-PA Energy & Commerce), Bart Gordon (D-TN Science Committee), Jamie Jackson (Hoyer senior counsel, Biden White House), Mike Evans (Democratic Senate Finance majority counsel), Joseph Trahern (Daschle/Durbin/Clinton White House), and Leonard Bickwit (Glenn/Hart/DSCC).

The result is that a K&L Gates client facing a bipartisan legislative threat — the maritime clients defending Jones Act reform, ByteDance fighting bipartisan divestiture pressure, CalPERS navigating bipartisan ESG regulation — can have Republican and Democratic committee access deployed simultaneously from the same firm, invoiced to a single client account.

Contradiction

K&L Gates publicly describes its bipartisan practice as helping clients “meet their needs through the entire policy life cycle — from legislation to regulation and dispute resolution.” The framing positions the firm as a neutral navigator of political complexity. But the actual function is to ensure that no political environment — Republican Congress, Democratic White House, or the reverse — creates an unmanaged regulatory or legislative threat to paying clients. The Jones Act clients do not need K&L Gates to “navigate complexity.” They need K&L Gates to prevent complexity from emerging in the first place. The bipartisan team is not a public service. It is a threat suppression system, billed at K Street rates.

Billing vs. Outcomes

American Maritime Partnership + Lake Carriers’ Association + Maritime Coalition ($2.5M+/year)

Investment: Sustained annual billing across 6–8 maritime clients totaling $2.5M+ per year Return: Jones Act maintained largely intact through multiple reform efforts, waiver requests, and Trump executive actions. SHIPS for America Act (2024) introduced with bipartisan support specifically expanding — not restricting — the Jones Act framework. March 2026 Trump administration 60-day waiver for energy products (oil, natural gas, LNG, fertilizer, coal) represented an acute threat, but AMP-led lobbying positioned the waiver as emergency-only measure, preventing permanent statutory change or longer-duration waiver. Domestic maritime industry receives $500M+ in annual federal support through Maritime Administration programs, federal military sealift contracts, and port infrastructure grants funded by the Bipartisan Infrastructure Law.

ByteDance Inc ($160,000 in 2024)

Investment: $160,000 disclosed lobbying (plus separate legal and PR spend) Return: TikTok divestiture legislation signed (PAFACA, April 2024), but implementation contested in federal court and execution delayed by Trump executive orders. ByteDance ultimately signed a deal in December 2025 to sell TikTok’s US operations to an Oracle-led consortium (Oracle + Silver Lake + Abu Dhabi MGX, owning 45% of a new “TikTok USDS Joint Venture LLC”). Critics noted the deal may not fully meet PAFACA’s “clean break” requirement. K&L Gates deployed a bipartisan former-Congress team (Doyle, Gordon, Denham, Trahern) during the critical 2023–2025 period — the lobbying helped buy time for a negotiated exit rather than an outright ban.

Church Alliance ($450,000/year)

Investment: $450,000 to K&L Gates in 2024 Return: Pension and benefits regulation for religious and non-profit sector maintained; IRS, DOL, and PBGC regulatory treatment of church plans preserved through multiple administrative and legislative cycles. Mike Evans (former Senate Finance majority counsel) handles this directly — his former committee’s jurisdiction covers exactly the tax-exempt status and ERISA exemptions Church Alliance protects.

Pitney Bowes ($610,000) + Package Coalition ($480,000)

Investment: $1.09M combined in 2024 Return: USPS postal rate structures maintained in forms favorable to commercial mailers; postal reform legislation shaped; Package Coalition (air cargo shippers) secured FAA reauthorization provisions favorable to air cargo operations. This is K&L Gates’ second-largest sectoral concentration after maritime — the mail/shipping logistics lobby.

Live Jones Act Threat (March 2026): The Trump administration issued a 60-day Jones Act waiver in March 2026, allowing foreign-flagged vessels to transport oil, natural gas, natural gas liquids, fertilizer, and coal between US ports — citing disruption to global energy markets from the Iran conflict. AMP, K&L Gates’ largest client at $1.14M/year, immediately responded that it was “deeply concerned,” arguing the waiver would displace US workers and that it would not meaningfully reduce gas prices (maximum impact: less than one penny per gallon at the pump). This is K&L Gates’ most acute active engagement: defending its top client’s core interest against a presidential action designed to lower energy prices by weakening the Jones Act’s protectionist framework. A 60-day waiver is politically survivable; permanent reform or a recurring waiver pattern is an existential threat to the domestic maritime industry AMP represents.

Class Analysis

K&L Gates occupies a structural position in the lobbying ecosystem that is distinct from the high-profile, high-revenue firms (Akin Gump, Brownstein Hyatt) that dominate financial media coverage of K Street. It is not the largest firm by revenue. It is not the most politically connected in the conventional sense. What it is, is the specialist firm for client categories that need sustained, expert, bipartisan advocacy on narrow legislative battlefields where the stakes are the continued existence of entire industries.

The Jones Act is the clearest example. The Merchant Marine Act of 1920 creates a protected market for US-flag, US-built shipping. Every free trade economist, every libertarian think tank, and every Puerto Rico hurricane relief coalition has spent decades trying to water it down or waive it. The maritime industry has survived every assault because they pay professionals — primarily K&L Gates — to maintain the political architecture that protects them. This is not corruption in a simple cash-for-votes sense. It is the purchase of permanent legislative relevance: lobbyists who know every reform proposal before it becomes public, who can brief every relevant staffer within 48 hours, who can deploy a former Transportation subcommittee chair (Denham) and a former Energy & Commerce chair (Doyle) in the same week on the same bill.

The firm’s financial services practice (Crowley’s domain) performs the same function for a different set of clients. NASD, NASDAQ, and ICI spent years in Washington before hiring Crowley to lead their government relations. He built relationships with SEC, CFTC, Senate Banking, and House Financial Services over his decade in financial industry advocacy. K&L Gates then purchased that relationship capital when they hired him. CalPERS, Vanguard, Church Alliance, and the Index Industry Association are not buying legal services — they are buying Crowley’s accumulated access to the same regulators and legislators their industries have been lobbying for decades.

The revolving door at K&L Gates is not especially lurid — there are no Haley Barbours or Bob Doles with overt party power, no former cabinet members commanding eight-figure billings. What it has instead is depth: 63.6% of its lobbyists are former government employees, deployed systematically across every sector the firm serves. This is the institutional model for professionalized corruption — not spectacular influence peddling, but the steady, expert conversion of public service into private credential, session after session, client after client, at $200,000 to $1,000,000 per year per relationship.

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