Mehlman Consulting

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VERIFIEDPRIMARY SOURCES
VERIFIED 2026-03-27
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lobbying k-street tech healthcare taxes trade bipartisan big-tech

related: Google - Alphabet · Meta - Facebook · PhRMA - Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America

Who They Are

Mehlman Consulting is the tech industry’s premier defense shop in Washington — a bipartisan lobbying firm built specifically to help Fortune 500 companies and Silicon Valley navigate the intersection of technology, healthcare, and tax policy. Founded by Bruce P. Mehlman, a former Assistant Secretary of Commerce for Technology Policy in the George W. Bush administration and ex-Cisco lobbyist, the firm was formerly known as Mehlman Castagnetti Rosen & Thomas before rebranding as Mehlman Consulting.

The firm reported $28.33 million in lobbying revenue in 2025 from 140 clients, employing 25 registered lobbyists. Revenue has grown dramatically — from roughly $3 million when the firm started in the mid-2000s to nearly $30 million today, with the sharpest acceleration coming during the 2021-2023 period when Congress was passing the CHIPS and Science Act, the Inflation Reduction Act, and ramping up tech regulation debates. The firm consistently ranks among Washington’s top 10 lobbying operations — Bloomberg Government’s 10th Annual Top-Performing Lobbying Firms Report (2025, covering 2024 data) confirmed Mehlman in the top 10 alongside Brownstein Hyatt, Akin Gump, Holland & Knight, BGR, Invariant, Thorn Run Partners, Forbes Tate Partners, and Cassidy & Associates.

Mehlman Consulting is structured as a genuine bipartisan partnership. The named partners include Republicans (Bruce Mehlman, Dean Rosen, Sage Eastman) and Democrats (David Thomas, Paul Thornell, Nichole Distefano). Additional partners include Elise Pickering, Lauren Aronson, and Mike Robinson. The firm’s tagline — “We are truly bipartisan — we were built that way from the start” — is backed by a partner structure that ensures both parties’ policy apparatus is covered.

Bruce Mehlman also serves as Executive Director of the Technology CEO Council and Co-Chairman of the Internet Innovation Alliance, giving the firm embedded access to the tech industry’s highest-level policy discussions. His weekly “Age of Disruption” Substack reaches tens of thousands of readers across government, business, and investment communities.

Client List

Mehlman’s client roster reads like a who’s who of corporate America, with a concentration in tech, healthcare, and financial services. The 140 clients in 2025 represent a diversified portfolio that insulates the firm from any single sector’s regulatory fortunes.

Tech & Semiconductors

  • Technology CEO Council — $560,000 (top client, industry coalition)
  • Semiconductor Technology Leadership Council — $480,000 (chip industry advocacy)
  • Advanced Micro Devices (AMD) — $320,000 (semiconductors)
  • IBM Corp — $320,000 (tech/consulting)
  • Adobe Inc — $200,000 (software)
  • Cloudflare Inc — undisclosed (cybersecurity)
  • Databricks Inc — undisclosed (AI/data)
  • Elevenlabs Inc — undisclosed (AI)
  • FanDuel Group — undisclosed (tech/gambling)

Healthcare & Insurance

  • America’s Health Insurance Plans (AHIP) — $360,000 (insurance lobby)
  • Blue Cross/Blue Shield (Elevance Health) — $360,000 (health insurance)
  • National Coalition on Health Care — $360,000 (via Campaign for Sustainable Rx Pricing)
  • American Medical Assn — $320,000 (physician lobby)
  • Humana Inc — $320,000 (health services)
  • HCA Inc — undisclosed (hospitals)
  • Addus Homecare — $240,000 (health services)
  • Clover Health — undisclosed (health insurance)
  • AFLAC Inc — $120,000 (insurance)

Finance & Investment

  • Andreessen Horowitz — $320,000 (venture capital)
  • Elliott Management (TNC US) — undisclosed (hedge fund)
  • Chubb INA — undisclosed (insurance)

Energy & Chemicals

  • Chevron Corp — $320,000 (oil & gas)
  • American Chemistry Council — $420,000 (chemicals industry)
  • Constellation Energy — undisclosed (nuclear/energy)
  • Edison Electric Institute — undisclosed (utilities)

Retail, Food & Consumer

  • Walmart Inc — $360,000 (retail)
  • Archer Daniels Midland — $320,000 (agriculture)
  • National Restaurant Assn — $310,000 (food service)

Telecom & Media

  • Echostar Corp / DISH Network — undisclosed (telecom)
  • Cloud Software Group — undisclosed (software)

Defense & Aerospace

  • Fluor Corp — undisclosed (defense contractor)
  • General Aviation Manufacturers Assn — undisclosed

Misc

  • AARP — $200,000 (seniors advocacy)
  • EQT AB / Reworld Waste — $320,000 (waste management)

Money

The client list reveals Mehlman’s business model: selling tech policy expertise to the entire corporate ecosystem. The Technology CEO Council and Semiconductor Technology Leadership Council at the top of the billing chart show where the firm’s value proposition is concentrated — helping the semiconductor and tech industries navigate CHIPS Act implementation, AI regulation, antitrust enforcement, and data privacy legislation. But the real money is in the breadth: Chevron, Walmart, ADM, American Chemistry Council, AARP, and Andreessen Horowitz all paying $200K-$420K each. The firm doesn’t just defend Big Tech — it helps every major industry understand how tech policy affects their business. That’s a structurally durable revenue model.

The Revolving Door

Of 25 registered lobbyists, 16 are revolving door hires (64.0%) — former government employees now lobbying. Zero are former members of Congress.

Key Revolving Door Hires:

  • Bruce P. Mehlman (Partner, founder) — Former Assistant Secretary of Commerce for Technology Policy under George W. Bush (confirmed by the Senate, 2001). Before Commerce, Mehlman was Cisco Systems’ lead tech and telecom lobbyist. Before Cisco, he served as Policy Director and General Counsel to the House Republican Conference under Rep. J.C. Watts (R-OK) and General Counsel to the National Republican Congressional Committee (NRCC). This triple-layer revolving door — congressional staff to corporate lobbyist to executive branch to firm founder — represents one of the most complete career arcs in K Street.

  • Dean A. Rosen (Partner) — Former Chief Healthcare Advisor to Senate Majority Leader Bill Frist (R-TN). In that role, Rosen helped draft and navigate to passage the Medicare Prescription Drug, Improvement, and Modernization Act of 2003 (Medicare Part D) and President Bush’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR). Earlier served as Staff Director for the Senate Subcommittee on Public Health, Majority Counsel for the House Ways & Means Health Subcommittee, and Health Policy Coordinator for the Senate Committee on Labor and Human Resources. Named a “Top Lobbyist” by The Hill and a “DC Healthcare Power Player” by Business Insider. Now lobbies for AHIP, Blue Cross/Blue Shield, AMA, Humana, and other healthcare clients.

  • Sage Eastman (Partner) — Former Senior Advisor, Deputy Staff Director, and Director of Strategy for the House Ways and Means Committee under Chairman Dave Camp (R-MI). Led enactment of three trade agreements, the SGR “doc fix” rewrite, and permanent extension of tax policy. Named to Roll Call’s “Fabulous 50” list on multiple occasions. Now lobbies on tax, trade, and healthcare policy.

  • Paul Thornell (Partner) — Former Deputy Director of Legislative Affairs for Vice President Al Gore (Clinton White House). Later served 12+ years in Citigroup’s Washington office, leading the company’s policy engagement through the 2008 financial crisis and enactment of Dodd-Frank. Former Senior Vice President of Public Policy at United Way Worldwide. Democratic partner providing cross-party balance.

  • Nichole Distefano (Partner) — Revolving door profile. Made partner alongside Thornell.

  • Elise Pickering (Partner) — Revolving door profile.

  • Lauren Aronson (Partner) — Revolving door profile.

  • Mike Robinson (Partner) — Revolving door profile.

Contradiction

Mehlman’s revolving door is built around committee expertise rather than raw access. The partners’ government backgrounds cluster around three specific power centers: the Commerce Department (tech regulation), the Ways and Means Committee (tax and trade), and the Senate health policy apparatus (Medicare, insurance regulation). This makes the firm’s revolving door more specialized than most — it’s not selling generic access to “government,” it’s selling deep procedural knowledge of the exact committees and agencies that regulate its clients. When the Medicare Part D architect (Rosen) lobbies for health insurers, and the Ways and Means strategist (Eastman) lobbies on tax policy, the revolving door isn’t just about relationships — it’s about knowing where the legislative levers are because you installed them.

What They Deliver

Mehlman Consulting’s core product is positioning corporate clients to benefit from — or avoid damage in — the tech, health, and tax policy debates that dominate Washington.

Top Issues Lobbied (2025):

Issue AreaReportsLobbyistsClients
Taxes2392462
Medicare & Medicaid1662439
Health Issues1352435
Fed Budget & Appropriations1202433
Trade1202434
Computers & Information Tech842425
Consumer Product Safety642417
Environment & Superfund612416
Energy & Nuclear Power572417

Key Legislative Wins:

The firm has been active in every major tech policy battle of the last decade:

  • CHIPS and Science Act (2022): Lobbied on behalf of the Semiconductor Technology Leadership Council and individual semiconductor clients. The firm’s revenue growth accelerated during the CHIPS Act legislative process.
  • Medicare Part D / Healthcare: Dean Rosen literally wrote the Medicare Part D framework as Frist’s advisor. The firm now represents the insurers and healthcare companies that profit from the program he helped create.
  • Tax Policy / TCJA: Sage Eastman’s Ways and Means background directly feeds the firm’s tax lobbying practice — the single largest issue area at 239 reports and 62 clients.
  • AI Regulation and Chip Export Strategy: Clients like Databricks, Elevenlabs, Andreessen Horowitz, and the Technology CEO Council position the firm at the center of the AI governance debate. Bloomberg Government analysis identified Mehlman as “one of Washington’s top players” in AI lobbying. In December 2024, Bruce Mehlman personally participated in a White House meeting with President-elect Trump, Commerce Secretary-designate Howard Lutnick, and technology industry executives — successfully pressing for “strategies to ensure US dominance,” specifically upping exports of AI chips and tools. This direct transition-era access to the incoming Commerce Secretary illustrates the firm’s tech policy reach: Mehlman was in the room where AI export policy was being set before the Trump administration was formally inaugurated. Federal lobbying spending on AI-related issues reached a record $37.2 million in Q4 2025 alone — a 38% year-over-year jump — with Mehlman among the top billing firms in the category.

The Bipartisan Model

Mehlman’s bipartisan model is structurally embedded in the partnership:

Republican Side:

  • Bruce Mehlman — Bush Commerce Department, House Republican Conference, NRCC
  • Dean Rosen — Senate Majority Leader Frist (R), Senate health committees
  • Sage Eastman — Ways and Means under Dave Camp (R-MI)

Democratic Side:

  • David Thomas — Democratic partner
  • Paul Thornell — VP Al Gore’s Legislative Affairs office, Citigroup
  • Nichole Distefano — Democratic partner

This structure ensures the firm can lobby both parties’ committee staff and leadership simultaneously. When tax policy moves through Ways and Means (where Eastman has relationships) and the Senate Finance Committee, the firm has people who’ve worked both sides. When healthcare legislation requires both AHIP’s Republican relationships and Democratic votes, Rosen and Thornell can work different corridors.

Billing vs. Outcomes

Lobbying-to-Policy Timeline

DateRecipient/TargetAmountPolicy ReturnTime Gap
2001-2003Commerce Dept / USTRMehlman’s govt salaryEstablished tech policy relationships as Asst. Secretary of CommercePre-firm
2003Senate / Ways & MeansRosen’s govt salaryAuthored Medicare Part D framework — now lobbies for insurers who profit from it20+ years of returns
2010-2012House Ways & MeansEastman’s govt salaryEnacted trade agreements, tax extensions — carried expertise to private sector10+ years
2022Senate / House$28M+ annual revenueCHIPS and Science Act passage — semiconductor clients positioned for $52B in subsidies1-2 years
2022Senate / HouseClient feesInflation Reduction Act — energy/health clients navigating implementation1-2 years
2023-2025FTC / DOJ / CongressClient feesAI regulation debates — tech clients seeking favorable frameworksOngoing
2025Ways & Means / Finance$28.33M annual239 tax reports for 62 clients — tax reform/extension battlesCurrent cycle
2025CMS / Senate FinanceClient fees166 Medicare/Medicaid reports for 39 clients — drug pricing, insurance regulationCurrent cycle
Dec 2024Trump transition / Lutnick (Commerce)Client fees (Semiconductor TLC, Tech CEO Council)Mehlman personally joins White House meeting with Trump and Commerce Secretary-designate Lutnick to press for AI chip export expansion — “strategies to ensure US dominance” — transition-era access to incoming administrationPre-inauguration
Q4 2025Commerce / NSC / CongressSector AI billingAI lobbying reaches record $37.2M industry-wide in Q4 alone (+38% YoY); Mehlman cited as top player in Bloomberg Government analysisOngoing

Money

The firm’s revenue trajectory perfectly tracks the legislative calendar. Revenue spiked during the CHIPS Act and IRA debates (2021-2023), and the current $28.33M level reflects sustained demand from tech and healthcare clients facing regulatory uncertainty. The key insight is that Mehlman doesn’t just lobby for legislation — it sells the ability to understand and anticipate policy. Bruce Mehlman’s weekly “Age of Disruption” newsletter functions as both thought leadership and business development: corporate executives who read his analysis of tech policy trends are the same people who hire his firm. The newsletter-to-client pipeline is the intellectual property that distinguishes Mehlman from generic access shops.

Class Analysis

Mehlman Consulting represents the professionalization of corporate policy navigation — the conversion of government expertise into a subscription service for Fortune 500 companies. The firm’s innovation is not selling access (every K Street shop does that) but selling comprehension. Bruce Mehlman’s Commerce Department background, Dean Rosen’s health committee expertise, and Sage Eastman’s Ways and Means knowledge are packaged as a service that helps corporate clients understand what Washington is going to do before it does it.

This creates a structural advantage for the firms that can afford the subscription. When the Semiconductor Technology Leadership Council pays $480,000 for Mehlman’s services, it’s buying early warning of CHIPS Act implementation decisions, Export Administration Regulations changes, and AI governance frameworks. Small companies and public interest groups don’t have $480,000 for this service. The policy comprehension gap between Mehlman’s clients and everyone else is the firm’s actual product.

The revolving door at Mehlman operates at a higher level than most firms. It’s not just former staffers lobbying their old bosses — it’s former policy architects interpreting the systems they built. When Dean Rosen lobbies on Medicare policy, he’s not just calling friends on the Hill; he’s explaining to healthcare clients how Medicare Part D works because he wrote the framework. When Sage Eastman lobbies on tax policy, he’s translating Ways and Means procedure because he ran the committee’s strategy office. The revolving door at this level converts public investment in policy expertise into private consulting revenue — the government trains the expert, the firm monetizes the training.

The bipartisan structure serves a specific commercial function: it makes the firm’s analysis credible regardless of which party controls Congress. A firm with only Republican partners can’t sell Democrats on their tax predictions. Mehlman’s split partnership means the firm can claim insider knowledge of both parties’ policy intentions. Whether this claim is accurate is less important than whether clients believe it — and $28 million in annual revenue suggests they do.

Sources

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